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Superintendent Elfreda W. Massie's Statement on The Report of the Strategic Support Team of the Council of the Great City Schools "The Council of the Great City Schools' report signals a new sense of urgency for the District of Columbia Public Schools. We welcome its direct and honest assessment of DCPS. The Council of the Great City Schools has provided us with a road map to implement an educational plan that calls for accountability for student achievement at every level. DCPS intends to swiftly incorporate the recommendations of the Council of the Great City Schools in a comprehensive and coherent plan to improve student achievement." Restoring Excellence to the District of Columbia Public Schools
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| Frances Bessellieu Former Director of Reading Charlotte-Mecklenburg Public Schools Dixie Dawson Ricki Price-Baugh Rebecca Brown |
Maryellen Donahue Research Director Boston Public Schools Mary Ramirez Mary Anne Lesiak |
This report begins with an Executive Summary of the issues facing the D.C. Public Schools as it struggles to boost student achievement and an outline of the proposals the Council and its SST are making. Chapter 1 presents a brief overview of the D.C. Public Schools and a synopsis of student performance in the district. Chapter 2 summarizes the findings of the Strategic Support Team and its recommendations for improving student achievement. It also contains proposals for bringing the district into greater alignment with No Child Left Behind. Chapter 3 synthesizes the report.
The appendices of this report include a number of items that may be of interest to the reader. Appendix A presents the results of the team’s comparison of the D.C. schools with key instructional practices of some of the nation’s fastest improving urban school systems. Appendix B lists the people the team talked with during its site visit. Appendix C lists the documents that the team reviewed. Appendix D presents brief biographical sketches of team members. Appendix E presents a brief description of the Council of the Great City Schools and the Strategic Support Teams it has conducted to improve urban education across the country.
The Council has now conducted over 70 Strategic Support Teams in over 22 major cities in a variety of instructional and management areas. It has shied away from using a specific template to guide its fact-finding or its recommendations. Instead, reports by the organization are specifically tailored to each district and the particular challenges they face.
In the instructional arena, however, the Council has been guided by its own research on why some urban school systems improve and others do not.1 This research has focused on the key organizational and instructional strategies behind the academic gains of some of the fastest improving urban public school systems in the nation and how those strategies differ from those of districts that are not seeing much traction under their reforms.
Finally, we should point out that we did not examine everything that could possibly be analyzed in the D.C. schools. We did not spend time, for example, looking at noninstructional operations in the D.C. schools. We did not review staffing patterns or personnel credentials. And we did not look at the district’s finances or a host of other issues that often find their way into the headlines. Our focus in this report is exclusively on student achievement and how to improve its.
Council staff working on this project included:
Michael Casserly
Executive Director
Council of the Great City Schools
Janice Ceperich
Research Specialist
Council of the Great City Schools
Sharon Lewis
Director of Research
Council
of the Great City Schools
“DCPS is failing.” These were the opening words of the report, Children in Crisis, prepared in 1996 by the D.C. Financial Responsibility and Management Assistance Authority (DCFRA) about the condition of the city’s public schools.
The report detailed serious failures of the District of Columbia Public Schools (DCPS) to teach its children, manage its affairs, provide a safe environment for its students, and deliver basic education services. Children in Crisis and the media coverage it received shocked Washington and resulted in the exit of the School Superintendent, the suspension of the School Board’s powers, the naming of a new Chief Executive Officer, and the appointment of a new Board of Trustees to oversee reforms.
In many ways, the city’s public schools have made substantial progress since 1996. It has substantially reduced the size of its central office. It has improved many of its operations. And it has built a stronger cadre of senior staff than it had before.
Yet, the academic performance of the children in the district’s charge is only marginally better than it was when the 1996 report was written. Some evidence, in fact, suggests that it may be one of the lowest performing big city school districts in the nation.
One message stands out clearly to those who worked on this project. The D.C. school system is facing a critical choice. It can take the steps necessary to substantially improve student achievement, play a central role in the city’s economic revitalization, and increase the public’s confidence in its schools. Or it can keep things pretty much as they are. The first path is steep and risky and requires energy, skill, and determination. The second path is easy and safe but lined with regrets about what might have been for the next generation of the city’s children.
Other urban school systems have faced similar choices between progress and stagnation, including Cleveland, Boston, Houston, Fort Worth, Long Beach, Charlotte, Philadelphia, Buffalo, Detroit, and others. Some of these districts initiated major reforms on their own, while others had the choices made for them by external powers. But none of the cities that took the tougher path has regretted it. In all of these cities, children are learning more than before. Test scores are up. And optimism is returning.
The message for the D.C. Public Schools is that greater payoffs often come from choosing the path of most resistance.
The instructional leaders from cities across the country who worked on this report were asked a simple question when we started our review. “Why is student achievement in the D.C. schools not improving any faster?” Our answer is also simple. “The district hasn’t done anything to improve achievement.”
The district did pursue the imperative that the public seemed to want, however. It paid teachers on time (mostly). It counted, transported, and immunized students. It kept food from spoiling. It quieted the political noise from the school board. It brought in the Army Corps of Engineers to fix some of the buildings. It put into place a universal, fullday kindergarten program. And it generally kept things running on time.
While the school district was trying to solve the problems it thought the public wanted solving, it delegated the challenge of raising student achievement to the schools and individual principals. The result is a school district where everyone could claim that their work was consistent with the goals of the organization no matter what they were doing. The district has lost its instructional focus; its efforts have become fractured and incoherent; its instructional moorings have loosened; and its unity of purpose has splintered. To make matters worse, the district has piled one program on top or another for so many years that one cannot tell what the system is trying to do academically or why.
In short, the D.C. school district abdicated its leadership responsibility for student achievement to the schools and has had trouble hitting its instructional mark over the years because so many people were aiming in different directions. The result is what one sees today: no plan for improving student performance, low expectations for children, no accountability for results, haphazard instruction, incoherent programming, and dismal outcomes.
It gives an organization like ours no pleasure in coming to this conclusion. But we want to do everything we can to improve the D.C. schools, even if it means being publicly critical. It also means that we have an obligation to propose specific steps for improvement, for it gives us even less pleasure to see one of our members flounder. It reflects poorly on everyone. We make our proposals in this spirit.
Ironically, the city is about to embark on another conversation about issues that probably won’t do much to improve student performance, governance. The governance debate is necessary because legislation establishing the current hybrid school board is about to expire. But, if the conversation doesn’t include a parallel discussion about how to improve academic performance, then the city is likely to look back in another four years and wonder why things didn’t improve.
The truth of the matter is that there is no magical governance structure that by itself is likely to produce better schools. There are cities with very traditional school structures — elected board, traditional superintendent, and independent taxing authority — that are seeing significant gains in student achievement. There are also cities with the same setup that have not seen any gains. Conversely, there are cities whose schools are run very untraditionally that are seeing important improvements. And there are cities whose schools are run nontraditionally that have seen little academic progress. In many ways, the organizational boxes don’t mean as much to the improvement of achievement as what the people in the boxes do.
To improve student achievement, the people in the positions — however they are arranged — have to focus relentlessly and single-mindedly on instruction, something noticeably missing in most discussions about who gets to control the D.C. schools.
To address this void, Paul Vance, the outgoing Superintendent of the D.C. schools, asked the Council of the Great City Schools to review the instructional program of the D.C. Public Schools and propose ways to improve it and to boost student achievement. The Council assembled a Strategic Support Team, composed of senior managers from other urban school systems that have made substantial gains in achievement, to do the work. The teams looked specifically at the district’s curriculum and instructional program.
The team visited D.C. in October 2003 and has prepared a detailed list of recommendations for the Acting Superintendent, the school board, and the city. The proposals are summarized below.
The Council of the Great City Schools benchmarked or compared the instructional program of the D.C. Public Schools against those of other urban school districts that were making rapid progress. The organization then drew up a set of recommendations to make D.C.’s instructional practices more like those of districts seeing progress. For D.C.’s progress to be more like these other cities, the district will have to take the following bold steps:
The D.C. Public Schools currently lack a comprehensive plan for improving student achievement. But developing one will require the school board and the superintendent to develop a shared vision for where they want the district to go and what they want the schools to look like. The district’s leadership will need to —
The D.C. Public Schools currently lack a set of goals beyond those for attaining accreditation that would more rapidly improve student achievement across the district. The district needs to —
Academic goals for the improvement of the D.C. Public Schools are of little use unless they are accompanied by the means to hold people responsible for attaining them. The district currently holds only one person accountable, the superintendent. To devise an accountability system that works across the system, the district will need to —
The D.C. Public Schools currently have numerous programs to boost student performance, many of which are selected and implemented at the school level with little coordination or alignment — and little evaluation as to which ones work and which don’t. To create instructional cohesion and focus, the district will need to —
The D.C. school system currently has a very disjointed professional development program that mirrors the incoherence of the instructional strategy. To be more effective, the district needs to —
The D.C. school system currently allows each school to pursue almost any programs or strategies it wants to. This approach has not proved to be effective. The district not only needs to take primary responsibility for raising student achievement districtwide but also needs to —
Develop a plan that can be used by central office administrators, principals, content specialists, and teachers to monitor implementation of the comprehensive reading and math plan.
Finish developing a standardized process that can be used by principals and content specialists to monitor curriculum implementation.
Retain additional reading and math specialists to work directly in the schools to support training, school improvement planning, data-based decisionmaking, coaching, and monitoring.
The D.C schools are getting ever more sophisticated in and committed to the use of data to decide on instructional strategies. But it is unclear whether the district’s data tools are aligned to and consistent with its curriculum. The district needs to —
The D.C. schools have a large and longstanding early childhood program that needs to be upgraded and tied to reading and math reforms at the early elementary school level. The district needs to —
Overhaul the literacy component of the district’s preschool and full-day kindergarten programs and align them instructionally with the full-day kindergarten program.
Increase the required amount of time spent each day on language arts and math.
Standardize the district’s special education referral process so that it is not driven by subjective judgments and redefine the criteria for placements.
Differentiate the instructional program offered in the district’s summer school program so that it addresses the varying needs of students by subject, level of performance, and skill level.
Begin the process of increasing the rigor of the district’s high school courses.
D.C has a number of schools that are unusually low-performing. Many urban school systems across the country are learning that they can improve their overall performance by targeting efforts on boosting the performance of its lowest achieving schools. The district needs to —
The District of Columbia Public Schools is governed by a school board of nine members, five of which are elected and four of which are appointed by the Mayor of the City. The President of the Board is elected citywide. All members serve four year terms. The board meets twice monthly and operates four committees, which meet once a month: Committee on Facilities and Finance; the Committee on Teaching and Learning; the Committee on Special Education and Student Services; and the Committee on Operations and Vision. Each committee has a chair and sometimes a co-chair.
Over the past twenty years the district has had seven superintendents or about one new CEO every 2.9 years.
| Floretta McKenzie | 1981-1988 |
| Andrew Jenkins | 1988-1990 |
| William Brown (Acting) | 1990-1991 |
| Franklin Smith | 1991-1996 |
| Julius Becton | 1996-1998 |
| Arlene Ackerman | 1998-2000 |
| Paul Vance | 2000-2003 |
| Elfreda Massie (Acting) | 2003 |
Elfreda Massie was appointed Acting Superintendent in November 2003, when Paul Vance announced his resignation. The school board is currently discussing the process it will use to appoint a permanent superintendent.
The governance structure of the school system has undergone a number of revisions over the last several years. The city was placed under the aegis of the District of Columbia Financial Responsibility and Management Assistance Authority (Control Board) in 1996. The Control Board named a Board of Trustees in the same year that operated for a time side-by-side the eleven-member elected school board. (The elected board had three at-large members and eight members elected by ward.) The Board of Trustees was replaced on January 1, 2000, by the current board.
The DC Public Schools enrolled about 68,449 students in the 2001-2002 school year, the most recent year on which comparable national data are available for other major cities. (Statistics for the current school year, 2003-2004, show that the district enrolls 65,099 students.) Some 60.9 percent of the district’s students were eligible for a free or reduced price lunch in 2001-2002, compared with about 39.7 percent nationwide. (See Table 1.)
About 84.4 percent of DC’s enrollment is African American, compared with about 16.9 percent nationwide. In addition, about 12 percent of the district’s enrollment is composed of English Language Learners and about 18.4 percent are students with disabilities. The district enrolls a high percentage of students in both cases than national averages. In general, the D.C. Public Schools look more like other major urban school systems across the country than they look like the national average.2
| D.C. Schools | Great City Schools | National | |
| Enrollment | 68,449 | 7,274,284 | 48,521,731 |
| % African American | 84.4 | 37.0 | 16.9 |
| % Hispanic | 9.4 | 32.7 | 18.5 |
| % White | .6 | 23.1 | 58.9 |
| % Other | 1.7 | 7.0 | 5.7 |
| % Free/Reduced Price Lunch | 60.9 | 62.4 | 39.7 |
| % English Language Learners | 12.0 | 17.0 | 7.9 |
| % with Disabilities | 18.4 | 12.9 | 13.3 |
| Pupil/Teacher Ratio | 13.9 | 17.0 | 15.9 |
| Number of Schools | 165 | 10,270 | 96,193 |
| Students per School | 415 | 708 | 504 |
| Current Spending per Pupil4 | $10,874 | $7,200 | $6,991 |
The average school in D.C., moreover, enrolls about 415 students, significantly smaller than the average city (708 students per school) or national averages (504 students per school). The district also has more teachers per pupil than either the national average or the Great City Schools average. Finally, National Center for Educational Statistics data indicate that D.C.’s current per pupil expenditure was $10,836 in FY2000.
The Stanford Achievement Tests (Ninth Edition) in reading and math have been administered to all district students, grades 1-11, since 1999. Student reading scores in grades 1, 3, and 4 showed small increases between 1999 and 2003, with the greatest gains among first graders, who improved 8.6 percentage points over the period. Reading scores among third graders increased 0.5 percentage points over the five years and scores among fourth graders improved by 1.1 percentage points.
Reading scores for second graders and students in grades 5-11 decreased over the five year period. Scores among second graders decreased by 1.0 percentage point. And reading scores among fifth graders dropped by 2.1 percentage points; among sixth graders declined by 1.7 percentage points; among seventh graders slumped by 3.6 percentage points; eighth graders by 6.4 percentage points; ninth graders by 2.6 points; tenth graders by 0.5 points; and eleventh graders by 1.5 percentage points. Fewer than 25 percent of D.C. students in grades 5-11 scored at or above proficiency levels on the SAT9. (Graphs 1-2)
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | |
| 1st Grade | 42.2 | 43.1 | 45.3 | 49.0 | 50.8 |
| 2nd Grade | 26.0 | 27.9 | 26.1 | 29.2 | 25.0 |
| 3rd Grade | 30.4 | 33.0 | 27.7 | 29.1 | 30.9 |
| 4th Grade | 28.3 | 31.3 | 27.5 | 29.7 | 29.4 |
| 5th Grade | 24.3 | 25.9 | 21.6 | 22.6 | 22.2 |
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | |
| 6th Grade | 25.9 | 31.2 | 25.4 | 25.0 | 24.2 |
| 7th Grade | 24.5 | 24.9 | 21.8 | 22.2 | 20.9 |
| 8th Grade | 29.3 | 28.4 | 26.9 | 23.5 | 22.9 |
| 9th Grade | 16.4 | 14.7 | 16.8 | 15.4 | 13.8 |
| 10th Grade | 13.4 | 15.5 | 13.9 | 15.6 | 12.9 |
| 11th Grade | 13.1 | 12.7 | 13.9 | 13.2 | 11.6 |
The trends are slightly more promising in math. Over the five year period, math scores on the SAT-9 improved in every grade tested, except the eleventh. The greatest math gains were made among first graders, as was the case in reading. Students in grades 1-5 generally made greater gains in math than students in grades 6-10. Students in grade 11 declined.
Math scores in first grade increased by 13.0 percentage points between 1999 to 2003; second grade scores increased by 7.1 percentage points; third grade scores increased by 9.7 percentage points; fourth grade scores increased by 6.2 percentage points; fifth grade by 4.2 percentage points; sixth grade by 3.0 percentage points; seventh grade by 2.4 points; eighth grade by 1.0 point; ninth grade by 1.5 points; and tenth grade by 0.7 points.
Math scores among eleventh graders declined by 3.4 percentage points between 1999 and 2003. Fewer than 25 percent of D.C. students scored at or above the proficiency level in math in grades 6-11. (Graphs 3-4)
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | |
| 1st Grade | 38.6 | 46.9 | 47.7 | 50.4 | 51.6 |
| 2nd Grade | 29.9 | 36.3 | 34.7 | 38.2 | 37.0 |
| 3rd Grade | 25.4 | 33.5 | 30.8 | 30.8 | 35.1 |
| 4th Grade | 25.8 | 32.2 | 28.8 | 31.1 | 32.0 |
| 5th Grade | 20.8 | 24.1 | 22.9 | 23.1 | 25.0 |
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | |
| 6th Grade | 20.3 | 29.4 | 23.3 | 22.4 | 23.3 |
| 7th Grade | 11.0 | 13.6 | 11.7 | 11.8 | 13.4 |
| 8th Grade | 11.0 | 14.5 | 13.2 | 12.8 | 12.0 |
| 9th Grade | 12.1 | 13.6 | 13.3 | 13.2 | 13.6 |
| 10th Grade | 5.4 | 8.3 | 7.6 | 8.8 | 6.1 |
| 11th Grade | 11.0 | 10.2 | 10.7 | 8.4 | 7.6 |
SAT-9 trends are also available by race. The gaps in reading scores between racial groups are generally large, ranging from about 15 points to around 74 points depending on grade and subject. The gaps between white and African American students ranged from 36.5 percentage points in the first grade 1 to 70.4 percentage points in the tenth grade in 2003. The gaps between white and Latino students ranged from 37.5 percentage points in first grade to 72.3 percentage points in tenth grade. (Tables 2-3)
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | Change in Gap | |
| Grade 1 | 47.0 | 40.4 | 44.0 | 39.5 | 36.5* | -10.5 |
| Grade 2 | 61.4 | 55.7 | 59.4 | 54.4 | 64.0* | 2.5 |
| Grade 3 | 66.3 | 56.5 | 60.1 | 64.3 | 58.8 | -7.5 |
| Grade 4 | 68.6 | 61.4 | 65.1 | 62.7 | 64.4 | -4.2 |
| Grade 5 | 70.2 | 67.6 | 65.2 | 65.3 | 61.3 | -8.9 |
| Grade 6 | 72.6 | 60.0 | 69.2 | 63.5 | 63.9 | -8.7 |
| Grade 7 | 66.0 | 67.5 | 64.8 | 66.0 | 64.1 | -1.9 |
| Grade 8 | 63.2 | 54.4 | 59.3 | 64.2 | 65.9 | 2.8 |
| Grade 9 | 66.9 | 68.6 | 61.4 | 66.2 | 71.4 | 4.5 |
| Grade 10 | 70.3 | 64.1 | 69.3 | 69.4 | 70.4 | 0.1 |
| Grade 11 | 56.6 | 67.4 | 57.1 | 66.9 | 65.7* | 9.1 |
*The reader should interpret with caution since fewer than 100 white students were tested in these grades in 2003.
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | Change in Gap | |
| Grade 1 | 38.1 | 48.7 | 39.7 | 38.7 | 37.5* | -0.6 |
| Grade 2 | 31.9 | 54.0 | 61.0 | 55.7 | 70.1* | 38.2 |
| Grade 3 | 50.1 | 64.1 | 63.5 | 70.9 | 60.3 | 10.2 |
| Grade 4 | 54.9 | 60.3 | 64.8 | 64.5 | 67.8 | 13.0 |
| Grade 5 | 57.0 | 71.7 | 63.6 | 64.2 | 65.6 | 8.6 |
| Grade 6 | 71.8 | 64.9 | 69.2 | 59.2 | 64.4 | -7.4 |
| Grade 7 | 62.5 | 68.3 | 61.7 | 64.2 | 59.1 | -3.4 |
| Grade 8 | 62.5 | 58.8 | 57.7 | 61.9 | 64.9 | 2.4 |
| Grade 9 | 66.9 | 70.6 | 65.2 | 66.1 | 74.6 | 7.7 |
| Grade 10 | 64.1 | 68.4 | 71.8 | 70.1 | 72.3 | 8.3 |
| Grade 11 | 57.0 | 68.3 | 62.4 | 66.9 | 69.7* | 12.7 |
Between 1999 and 2003, the gaps improved in some cases and worsened in others. For instance, the reading gap between white and African American students decreased in grades 1 and 3-7; and the reading gap between white and Latino students decreased in grades 1 and 6-7. All other grades showed the gaps becoming wider.
Gaps in math scores are similar to those in reading. The difference in math scores between white and African American students in 2003 ranged from 28.4 percentage points among first graders to 69.8 percentage points among ninth graders. The gaps between white and Latino students ranged from 36.9 percentage points in first grade to 72.1 percentage points in ninth grade. (Tables 4-5)
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | Change in Gap | |
| Grade 1 | 50.5 | 42.6 | 44.1 | 40.8 | 28.4* | -22.1 |
| Grade 2 | 56.7 | 55.2 | 54.0 | 48.9 | 51.0* | -5.7 |
| Grade 3 | 56.1 | 56.1 | 58.9 | 60.2 | 54.1 | -2.0 |
| Grade 4 | 65.9 | 55.8 | 62.8 | 57.8 | 58.8 | -7.1 |
| Grade 5 | 69.2 | 69.1 | 63.8 | 67.7 | 61.7 | -7.5 |
| Grade 6 | 71.4 | 58.9 | 67.3 | 62.1 | 64.2 | -7.2 |
| Grade 7 | 67.6 | 70.6 | 70.6 | 73.7 | 64.7 | -2.9 |
| Grade 8 | 65.6 | 66.6 | 70.7 | 71.7 | 71.5 | 5.9 |
| Grade 9 | 60.3 | 65.9 | 65.7 | 71.5 | 69.8 | 9.5 |
| Grade 10 | 54.7 | 55.4 | 60.5 | 59.7 | 50.5 | -4.2 |
| Grade 11 | 48.3 | 63.0 | 51.7 | 55.2 | 57.8* | 9.5 |
| 1999 | 2000 | 2001 | 2002 | 2003 | Change in Gap | |
| Grade 1 | 35.9 | 48.4 | 40.0 | 44.9 | 36.9* | 1.0 |
| Grade 2 | 23.8 | 52.7 | 53.2 | 47.0 | 63.0* | 39.2 |
| Grade 3 | 38.6 | 56.5 | 55.0 | 62.4 | 47.6 | 9.0 |
| Grade 4 | 48.6 | 53.9 | 55.5 | 53.4 | 56.4 | 7.8 |
| Grade 5 | 53.9 | 67.2 | 56.1 | 59.3 | 61.6 | 7.7 |
| Grade 6 | 60.9 | 59.2 | 62.4 | 55.9 | 56.3 | -4.5 |
| Grade 7 | 66.9 | 71.0 | 65.1 | 68.4 | 58.4 | -8.5 |
| Grade 8 | 65.6 | 65.9 | 69.2 | 65.8 | 69.9 | 4.3 |
| Grade 9 | 58.2 | 70.4 | 66.0 | 72.0 | 72.1 | 13.9 |
| Grade 10 | 50.8 | 55.9 | 60.8 | 57.9 | 49.9 | -0.8 |
| Grade 11 | 43.7 | 58.0 | 54.3 | 54.3 | 56.3* | 12.7 |
The final indicator on which we have achievement data for the D.C. Public Schools is NAEP, the National Assessment of Educational Progress. The D.C. schools have been participating in NAEP for a number of years, but it is only recently when the district’s scores could be compared with those of other major cities. The results are consistent with data from the SAT-9. The D.C. schools scored lower in 2003 than the nation or any other city reported in reading and math. (Graphs 5-8.)
Finally, the SAT scores for the district have declined somewhat over the last couple of years, as the numbers of students tested increased from 1,684 in 2000-2001 to 1,994 in 2002-03. Only four of the district’s 18 high schools have average SAT verbal and math scores that exceed 400.6 (Table 6.)
| Number Tested | SAT Mean Scores Verbal | Math | Combined | |
| 1999-00 | 414 | 408 | 822 | |
| 2000-01 | 1,684 | 402 | 396 | 798 |
| 2001-02 | 1,730 | 400 | 396 | 796 |
| 2002-03 | 1,994 | 404 | 396 | 800 |
The D.C. school district has 165 schools, 129 of which are Title I schools that serve 42,940 of the systems’ 65,099 students. All but three of these Title I schools are “schoolwide” schools. Data from the 2002-2003 testing cycle indicate that the district did not have any schools that were in school improvement (level I) under No Child Left Behind, but fifteen schools that were in school improvement (level II), meaning that they will be required to offer choice and supplemental services. No D.C. schools are in corrective action or restructuring status. (See Table 7.)
This chapter summarizes the findings and recommendations of the Strategic Support Team.7 Our findings are subdivided into ten subsections. These subsections are defined around themes that the Council of the Great City Schools has identified as critical to the academic improvement of urban school systems nationwide.8 The themes include political preconditions and governance, goal setting, accountability, curriculum, professional development and teacher quality, reform press (or the ability to get reforms into the classrooms), assessments and use of data, low-performing schools, elementary schools, and middle and high schools. The Team’s findings are further subdivided into positive areas and areas of serious concern.
The recommendations to accelerate student performance and to improve systemwide achievement are presented in the same categories in which the team presented its findings. The proposals are based on practices that research is demonstrating make a difference in improving student performance systemwide in urban school districts and what the Team believes that D.C. needs to do to be more like districts that are getting strong achievement gains.
Urban school districts that have improved significantly over the last several years have a number of things in common. These commonalities also set them apart from urban school systems that have not seen significant improvement. One of these key features involves the political unity of the school board, its focus on student achievement, and its ability to work with the administration on the improvement of academic performance. The Strategic Support Team did not conduct a special analysis of the board or its governing structure, but did observe a number of things that bear on the ability of the district to improve student achievement. The Team found things that were worthy of recognition and things that appear to hamper the district’s instructional reforms.
1. Convene the school board at the earliest possible date (probably in retreat form) and begin establishing with the Acting Superintendent a clear vision for improved academic achievement for the students in the D.C. schools. The board should charge the Acting Superintendent with drafting a preliminary instructional plan based on this shared vision that begins to put the board’s broad goals into place. The board should review the draft plans prepared by the staff until it is in general accord with the academic direction of the school system. (A1)
This process need not occur in a single meeting. A series of discussions that are facilitated by an external person that the board trusts and respects might be more in keeping with the scope of the task.10 The board should also come to some agreement about the extent of the community input it will seek. Some districts hold community forums, summits, or town hall-style meetings. Others conduct hearings or school-based forums. Others handle the task internally. No method is necessarily better than another.
Finally, the Mayor and the city counsel have a role in this instructional vision setting process, regardless of the governance discussion. The school board should find a way to ensure that the perspective of the Mayor and City Counsel are obtained.11
Urban school systems that have seen significant gains in student achievement often see this improvement because they have a clear sense of where they are going. This clarity is exhibited in academic goals for the district at large and for individual schools. These goals are measurable and are accompanied by specific timelines for when specific targets are to be attained. The Strategic Support Team looked specifically at the goalsetting process in the D.C. Public Schools.